Journal articles: 'Petrus van' – Grafiati (2024)

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De lange geschiedenis Tierenteyn startte in het begin van de 19de eeuw, toen ene Petrus Tierenteyn zijn eerste mosterd fabriceerde in de omgeving van de Brugse Steenweg. Wij kennen uit de archieven een aanvraag in 1842 tot het installeren van een stoommachine in de Faubourg de la Porte de Bruges, de eerste vestigingsplaats van de firma Tierenteyn.

Abstract:

De lange geschiedenis Tierenteyn startte in het begin van de 19de eeuw, toen ene Petrus Tierenteyn zijn eerste mosterd fabriceerde in de omgeving van de Brugse Steenweg. Wij kennen uit de archieven een aanvraag in 1842 tot het installeren van een stoommachine in de Faubourg de la Porte de Bruges, de eerste vestigingsplaats van de firma Tierenteyn.

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Volgens Gérard Genette beschrijft de term ‘metatekstualiteit’ een relatie tussen teksten waarbij de ene tekst een becommentariërende functie heeft ten opzichte van de andere. In deze zin vertoont de tweede brief van Petrus duidelijk metatekstuele kenmerken. In hoofdstuk 3 becommentarieert de auteur twee groepen ‘bijbelse’ geschriften waaraan hij gezag toekent. Hij zinspeelt op passages uit die twee groepen teksten om zijn ideeën over eschatologie kracht bij te zetten en de ‘onjuiste’ opvattingen van ‘dwaalleraren’ te weerleggen. Het valt echter op dat hij nooit rechtstreeks naar de gezaghebbende ‘bijbelse’ teksten verwijst, maar dat hij dat doet via de uitleg van de teksten die in zijn tijd gangbaar was.

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Abstract This article tries to find an answer to the central question whether the Dutch Reformed pastor and professor Petrus Hofstede de Groot (1802-1886) was a dominocrat. Hofstede de Groot was pastor in Ulrum and professor at the university in Groningen. My contribution is an elaboration of the oral book review I held in 2017 at the presentation of Jasper Vree’s book Kerk, huis, school en staat: Leven, werk en vriendenkring van P. Hofstede de Groot (1844-1886). In my article I explain the meaning of ‘dominocrat’ and also ‘Dominocrat’ and explore the synodical acts of the Dutch Reformed Church (Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk) between 1830 (Hofstede de Groot’s first appearance in the general synod as professor) and 1886 (his death), and Hofstede de Groot’s role in synodical meetings. He was indeed a dominocrat. He favored the leadership of the pastors. At the same time, he was a Dominocrat. In his life and in his work, he was focussed on the Dominus, Jesus Christ, for the church (kerk), at home (huis), school and state (staat).

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AbstractBegun in 1568, the revolt of the Netherlands against the Spanish stimulated every Dutch province to strive to attain the greatest possible autonomy and independence from the dominant province of Holland. One of the arguments forwarded for pursuing this independent course was how ancient a region was (laudatio ex vetustate). Incidentally, it was Holland with its Batavian myth that had a strong suit in hand in this matter. To counter this, historiographers were appointed to confirm their region's age. In this capacity, the States of Friesland designated Suffridus Petrus (1527-1597), Bernardus Furmerius (1542-1616) and Pierius Winsemius (1586-1644) consecutively. Relying on traditional accounts, which they believed were ancient, Petrus and Furmerius established a line of legendary Frisian monarchs, beginning with Friso - banished from India - who was said to be a descendant of Noah's son Sem. The results of their scholarly research were published in small-scale, unillustrated books in Latin. Not officially commissioned as a historiographer, around 1597 Martinus Hamconius (c. 1550-1620), wrote an acrostic on the name of Suffridus Petrus, which comprised an ekphrasis with an animated description of the legendary Frisians. In 1606 he also devised a table (fig. i) in which all the characters who played a role in the illustrious history of Friesland are described in Latin. This cast of characters was published again in 1617, this time in Dutch (fig. 2). A lost copy of this edition featured illustrations (fig. 3), which were reused in an edition of Hamconius' Frisia (1620) (figs. 17, 20, 21). The tableau of 1617 includes several old Frisian traditional costumes (fig. 10). All the prints were made by Pieter Feddes of Harlingen. A second set of illustrations of the Frisian princes was etched by Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius around 1617. These prints, known only from Pierius Winsemius' Chronique of 1622 (figs. 15, 18, 19), originally constituted a consecutive series (fig. 13), doubtless intended to illustrate Hamconius' treatise and probably made for his publisher Jan Lamrinck, who (according to the author's hypothesis) could not use it and thus cut down the plates and included them in Winsemius' Chronique, which he also published. A third, incomplete series of illustrations (fig. 14), again by Pieter Feddes, was likewise made to illustrate Hamconius' series, but may have been rejected and likewise used in the Chronique. Some details in four of the figures in both series (figs. 15-23) seem to point to the iconographic tradition of the free Frisian countryman.

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LXX quotations in the Petrine and Pauline speeches in Acts. This article is an attempt to summarize the results of the author's doctoral thesis. Three aspects of the problem under investigation are discussed, i e the texthistorical, methodological and henneneutical aspects. The following became clear after analyzing the citations in the Petrine and Pauline speeches: (a) the reconstructed LXX Textvorlage which Luke has used, reflects a strong Semitic style; (b) some quotations were already used in pre-Lukan times, but seem to be checked and reinterpreted by Luke; (c) his use of Scripture functions on two levels: infonnative, focusing on the past with a strong christological trend, and nonnative, focusing on the present and future with an appealing nature for the current listeners/readers; and (d) Luke's understanding of Scripture fits in within his salvation history, presented from a Theo-centric perspective, pneumatological-prophetically mediated, and with emphasis on the eschatology, christology and soteriology.

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AbstractAfter the Reformation of 1572 Catholic life only began to flourish again in Gouda on the advent of the priest Petrus Purmerent (1587-1663) , who was sent there in 1614 by the apostolic vicar Philippus Rovenius (Notes 1, 2) . He founded a parish dedicated to St. John the Baptist, as the old church had been, which grew so rapidly (from around 500 in 1612 to around 6,000 in 1657, Notes 5-7) that he moved to larger premises on the Gouwe in 1630. The regard in which he and his twin brother Suibertus, who was equally active in Delft, were held is apparent from their portraits painted in 1631 by Willem van der Vliet (Notes 9, 10) and around 1645 by Ludolph de Jongh (Fig. 1, Note 11) and Hendrik van Vliet (Note 12). Engravings were made after the second two portraits by Reynier van Persijn (Note 13) . Despite a certain amount of interference from the twon council, Petrus Purmerent succeeded in decorating his hidden church in fine style. In the report of his visitation of 1643 made by Sebastiaan Francken, commissioner of the Court of Holland (Note 15), it is described as a very big place' with pews, chairs and altars, a large amount of silver, 'very beautiful paintings' and a fine organ. The church, which was on the Old Catholic side in the jansenist schism of 1723, has remained in the same place and was rebuilt in 1863. It is not possible now to reconstruct the situation of 1643 exactly, but a large number of the works of art and

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AbstractIn this article, we discuss the development of the concept of a ‘law’ (of nature) in the work of the Dutch natural philosopher and experimenter Petrus van Musschenbroek (1692–1761). Since Van Musschenbroek is commonly described as one of the first ‘Newtonians’ on the Continent in the secondary literature, we focus more specifically on its relation to Newton's views on this issue. Although he was certainly indebted to Newton for his thinking on laws (of nature), Van Musschenbroek's views can be seen to diverge from Newton's on crucial points. We show, moreover, how his thinking on laws of nature was shaped by both international and local factors. We start with a brief discussion of Newton's concept of ‘laws of nature’ in order to set the stage for Van Musschenbroek's. We then document the development of Van Musschenbroek's views on laws of nature in chronological order. We demonstrate how his thinking on laws of nature was tied to institutional, theological and scientific factors. We conclude by pointing to the broader significance of this case study for our understanding of the development of the concept ‘law of nature’ during the eighteenth century.

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AbstractThis article discusses a Latin manuscript that can be found in the Jan Baptist Van Helmont (1579–1644) archives in Mechelen (Malines), Belgium. The manuscript bears no author and no title, and begins with the words ‘Exterior homo’, hence being referred by this provisional title in the analysis. Ecclesiastical prosecutors investigating Van Helmont for heresy in 1634 considered that it was written by him, but this was vehemently denied by the Flemish physician. The present article takes a first detailed look at the content of the treatise and ideas contained therein. It hence identifies the manuscript as belonging to a seventeenth-century physician influenced by the ideas of Theophrastus Paracelsus (1493–1541) and his interpreter Petrus Severinus (1542–1602), and containing a complex medical philosophy drawn on alchemical thought. Thus, the anonymous author presents a comprehensive view on the nature and structure of man, as well as an idiosyncratic theory of human generation. Following the analysis of the treatise, the article further compares it with the known works of J.B. Van Helmont, and finds that it is very similar to his ideas. Hence, the article concludes that it is ‘likely’ that the manuscript is indeed written by Van Helmont, although lack of direct evidence prevents certain attribution.

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In 2016 Mike Kestemont stated the hypothesis that the Dutch national anthem, the Wilhelmus, had been written by psalmist Petrus Datheen. This hypothesis came as a surprise: Datheen’s psalms were only added to Kestemont’s research corpus as control content to test the attribution to known author candidates. In this article, I put Kestemont’s hypothesis to the test, conducting a comparative textual analysis of Wilhelmus, Datheen’s psalm versification and the French psalm versification by Marot and De Bèze that Datheen translated. I focus on the representation of leadership in the Wilhelmus and these psalm versifications. The lyrical ‘I’ promises to be helpful to his people, just like God — whom he serves as an obedient servant — is helpful to him. More so than Marot and De Bèze (and the author candidate most frequently mentioned, Marnix van Sint-Aldegonde), Datheen uses the word ‘servant’ in his psalm versifications. Rather than suggesting that this comparison is proof of Datheen’s authorship, this article aims to investigate the authorship of the Wilhelmus, once again, with the traditional close reading method.

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<p>En 1923 H. P. Berlage realizó un viaje a las Indias Orientales Neerlandesas. Cuando publica su libro sobre el viaje, Mijn Indische Reis (Berlage 1931), incluye solo 36 de los 60 dibujos realizados –casi todos a color–, pero impresos en blanco y negro. Los dibujos originales que se conservan en el Nederlands Architectuurinstituut, Instituto Holandés de Arquitectura, fueron publicados en parte por esta institución con el título De indische reis van H.P. Berlage (Berlage &amp; Molenaar 1993) en un cofre con 46 reproducciones en color y en papel verjurado. Los dibujos del viaje recogidos en este artículo corresponden a esta última obra. Se trata de dibujos aparentemente muy sencillos, casi todos realizados con tizas de colores, con una libertad y soltura de trazo que contrastan considerablemente con sus dibujos “canónicos” que, a pesar de su extraordinaria calidad, no dejan de ser convencionales.</p>

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This paper concentrates on the work by Petrus van Musschenbroek published in 1729, constituting apparently the first study in the literature on column buckling. To understand the significance of Musschenbroek’s contribution, we provide the combined personal, historic and scientific contexts in which he carried out his studies; he was the first researcher to deal with the failure of compressed elements as a new phenomenon. Most unfortunately, his name is not currently known except for a small circle of historians of science, whereas engineering students at present are told that buckling should be associated with the name of Leonhard Euler. We fully share the idea of Benvenuto stating that “Musschenbroek’s experimental law is of considerable historical interest.” The contributions in his 1729 book are shown not only to include his experimental work but Musschenbroek also devised a design procedure for column buckling.

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The purpose of this study was to analyze the requirements of instrument, the characteristics of the developed questions prototype, the feasibility of the questions, and the thinking level of students regarding Van Hiele's Theory of geometry concept taught with assistance of Geogebra Software. This study was a Research and Development using Wina Sanjaya's model. The instrument' development procedure consists of four stages, namely: Preliminary Stage, Product Development Stage; Stage of Trial and Product Validation and Dissimination Stage of products. The instrument feasibility is based on the accuracy and practicality test. The subjects of this study were all students of class XI Santu Petrus Pontianak 2016/2017 Academic Year, with a sample of class XI-MIA3 students chosen randomly. The results showed the level of instrument feastibility which expressed through experts' testing and student' opinions, calculation of validity, reliability, distinguishing factors, levels of difficulty, and practicality test results. The instrument obtained an average validity of 0.68 belongs to high category, a reliability of 0.998 belongs to very high category, and a difficulty level of 0.35 belongs to moderate category. The percentage of content validity, construction and language content rated by the experts amounted to 91.16%, which categorized as high. The student response rate was 80.9% which belong to good category.Keywords: Instruments, Van Hiele's theory, Geogebra Software

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Abstract Given that Paul’s letter to the Romans is a touchstone for the distinctively Protestant confessional teaching concerning justification by faith alone, Romans 2:13 poses a challenge. Following the pattern of Philip Melanchthon, Protestant expositors have typically met this challenge by interpreting it as a ‘legal’ justification that no sinner can attain. This article illustrates the dominant ‘Melanchthonian’ trajectory in early modern Protestant exegesis, while also drawing attention to a minority alternative that reads it as a future justification of Christians according to works (the ‘Bucerian’ alternative). Many modern Protestant exegetes now prefer something like the Bucerian alternative, begging the question as to how this squares coherently with any confessional commitment to a once-for-all justification that is by faith alone. Noting this, this article sets forth an early modern Protestant model of cogent dogmatic harmonization on this score. The chosen case study is Petrus van Mastricht and his magisterial Theoretico-Practica Theologia.

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Historians have neglected a seventeenth-century hero whose actions and words laid the groundwork for America's democratic diversity and religious toleration—at least that is the theme of a best-selling history of the Dutch colony of New Netherland, the predecessor of New York. This courageous but forgotten lawyer, Adriaen van der Donck, went out from Holland in 1641 as a young man to serve as “schout” (chief judicial officer, both sheriff and prosecutor) of Rensselaerwyck, then moved to New Amsterdam where he eventually became the spokesman of colonists irked by the arbitrary highhandedness of the Director General, Petrus Stuyvesant. Van der Donck is now proclaimed to have ensured that Dutch religious toleration became the basic assumption and pattern that evolved into modern American religious pluralism. The great popularity of this recent revelation ensures that thousands of people, from general readers to professional historians whose specialty lies elsewhere, now believe that religious toleration in America originated in New Amsterdam/ New York, where Dutch customs of toleration contrasted with the theocratic tendencies of English colonies. Is this claim true? In my opinion—no. Should historians pay attention to journalistic jingoism? Perhaps—because unexamined assumptions affect topics treated more seriously. What, then, can be said about the fabled Dutch tradition of toleration and its contribution to the discussion of religious freedom in America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries?

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The subject of this research is the processes that unfolded in the spiritual sphere of the Netherlandish society of the XV century, which can be assessed by the treatises of the prominent philosopher and figure of the Catholic Church Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464), as well as by the images, scenes, artistic techniques used by Netherlandish artists of that time such brothers van Eyck, Rogier van Weyden, Hans Memling, Petrus Christus, Hieronymus Bosch, Robert Kampin, and others. Main attention is given to the comparison of the views of Nicholas of Cusa, as well as the manner and ideological program that can be seen in the work of the XV century artists. The scientific novelty consists in demonstration of just how the views of Nicholas of Cusa correlate to the worldview of the people of the XV century &ndash; transitional period from the Medieval Era to the Modern Age. Perceptions of the Netherlanders of that time of the world and people&rsquo;s place within it, of divine predestination and everyday life are reflected in the orders for a new type of altar compositions and portraits. The conducted analysis uses specific examples to reveal the theme of commonness of the worldview in the examined chronological period. Comparison of the paintings and thoughts of Nicholas of Cusa demonstrate the commonness of views that reflect the transformational era in the history of art.

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Klaus Herbers, Larissa Düchting (Hg.): Sakralität und Devianz. Konstruktionen – Normen – Praxis (Günter Bers) Volker Reinhardt: Pontifex. Die Geschichte der Päpste. Von Petrus bis Franziskus (Georg Denzler) Kai Witthinrich: … si negotio ecclesiae videtur expedire. Die Päpste des Mittelalters zwischen Eherecht und Heiratspolitik. Eine typologische Untersuchung (Heinrich Walle) Claudia Zey: Der Investiturstreit (Heinz Hürten) Thomas Haas: Geistliche als Kreuzfahrer. Der Klerus im Konflik zwischen Orient und Okzident (1095-1221) (Heinrich Walle) Susan Richter, Armin Kohnle (Hg.): Herrschaft und Glaubenswechsel. Die Fürstenreformation im Reich und in Europa in 28 Biografien (Joachim Bahlcke) Karl-Heinz Braun, Hugo Oft, Wilfried Schöntag (Hg.): Mittelalterliches Mönchtum in der Moderne? Die Neugründung der Benediktinerabtei Beuron 1863 und deren kulturelle Ausstrahlung im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Carsten Woll) Sebastian Gottschalk: Kolonialismus und Islam. Deutsche und britische Herrschaft in Westafrika (1900-1914) (Ulrich van der Heiden) Johannes Gleixner: Menschheitsreligionen. T. G. Masaryk, A. V. Lunačarskij und die religiöse Herausforderung revolutionärer Staaten (Hans-Paul Höpfner) John P. Burgess: Holy Rus’. The Rebirth of Orthodoxy in the New Russia (Christian Wipperfürth)

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AbstractIn 1522 the Amsterdam printer Doen Pieterszoon published the first edition of the gospel according to St. Matthew in the vernacular. The text by Johan Pelt was a translation of Erasmus's Novum testamentum of 1516. The titlepage shows a woodcut of the evangelist of a type recurrent in several dutch bibles. Furthermore, the gospel contains six woodcuts of a rather emblematical character. Five of these depict an angel (the symbol for Matthew) holding in his hands, and surrounded by it, several objects, figures, and little scenes. Each of these are accompanied by a number, and are thus related to a corresponding chapter of the gospel. For example, a gnome-like devil carrying boulders at the angel's feet, refers to the temptation of Christ in the desert (Mt. 4:3). Pieterszoon's illustrations were copied after Petrus von Rosenheim's Rationarium evangelistarum, or Ars memorandi (editio princeps Pforzheim 1502), in which all the gospels were covered, and the symbols of the other evangelists (lion, ox and eagle) also featured as presenters. In their turn these cuts were copied after the Ars memorandi quator evangelia, a blockbook printed in Germany ca. 1470. As their titles suggest, these were works of a mnemotechnical nature, and the woodcuts served as images to aid the memory. However, the Ars memorandi does not belong to the tradition of the artificial memory as described by Frances Yates. Yet, the elements of the classical mnemotechnical Ad Flerennium tractate, loci and images, are present in the illustrations. Thus the Ars memorandi woodcuts are memory images, through which the contents of the gospels can be more easily memorised. They did not, however, prove succesful as biblical illustrations. Pieterszoon did not use them again in any of his later bible editions, and in fact no other printer did. Biblical illustrations were intended to depict biblical stories and to eludicate the text, and as such the Ars memorandi images obviously did not work.

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The atlas of Gerardus Mercator (Gerard de Cremer), or the Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica mundi et fabricati figura, is one of first modern atlases and one of the most famous of those compiled in the Netherlands. The first (unfinished) edition was published in 1595, but the copperplates were later acquired by Jodocus Hondius (Joost de Hondt) and his business associates. The revised Mercator-Hondius Atlas was published for the first time in 1606 with added maps and texts. The texts printed on verso of the maps were written by Petrus Montanus (Pieter van den Berg), who was a brother-in-law of Hondius and a Latin teacher. Many subsequent editions of the atlas were produced in the years that followed. The first editions were in Latin, but versions in European vernaculars such as French, German and Italian were produced later as well. The present article focuses on the multilingual nature of the Mercator-Hondius Atlas (1613, editio quarta) by discussing language choice, language alternation and code-switching patterns in different parts of the atlas. The dominant language of the descriptive texts is Latin, but there are also switches into many other languages, including Greek (written in Greek script) and several vernaculars. Furthermore, the map pages tend to indicate the names of different types of area (e.g. cities, seas, and oceans) in different languages. The aim of the present article is to provide a preliminary exploration of the possibilities of approaching the atlas with the aid of concepts and ideas derived from modern code-switching studies. I demonstrate how these concepts can be used to describe the language choice patterns in the text and discuss some of the challenges the data poses for a linguistic approach.